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Fellow Citizens of Pennsylvania! 

I intend to present to your consideration a few plain matters of 
fact on the subject of your great pol'lical interests. It is not now a 
moment for long and learned discussions. There has been enough of 
that, in other places. The rights and interests of the people have been 
put in jeopardy, while their representatives have been talking about 
the clauses in the constitution, by which they were secured. Those 
of you who prefer abstractions and theories to matters of fact, had 
better at once lay aside this little tract, which contains neither, and 
turn to the voluminous debates in Congress, where you will find 
enough of both. 

]YJy first fact is, that the people of Pennsylvania intend to go for 
the AMERICAN system, in its two great branches. These two branches 
B.re, first, the encouragement of the industry of our own citizens; and, 
second, the improvement of the internal communications of the country, 
of every kind. 

I say, in the first place, Pennsylvania goes for the encouragement 
of American industry, in preference to the industry of Great Britain, 
or any other foreign country. The people of Pennsylvania believe, 
that the constitution of the United States was designed to promote the 
interests of this American union, and not to pay a tribute. to the capi- 
talists of France and England. They go therefore for such an admi- 
nistration of the constitution as will foster the agriculture, build up the 
manufactures, and thus furnish natural employments to the commerce 
and navigation of the country; and they will not consent that the 
manufactures of the country should be crushed, and its general agri- 
cultural interests languish, under the idea of exchanging the staples of 
a limited portion of the Union for the products of foreign industry, 
which we ourselves are abundantly able to supply. 

When the states were colonies of Great Britain, this last system was 
very natural. She would net evisn let us make a hob nail, but poured 
in her manufactures, in exchange for the rice, tobacco and indigo, of the 
southern slates, and the profits of the trade with the West Indies. The 
consequence was, that the whole profit of every kind of trade, which 
we were permitted to curry on, was paid into the purses of the British 
manufacturers. Our beautiful America remained waste; population 



was limited to the sea coast; not a village was found beyond the 
mountains; Lancaster was a frontier settlement; and Boston, with 18,000 
inhabitants, was among the largest cities in North America! So much 
for the anti-manufacturing system. The people understand this busi- 
ness, as well as the orators in Congress. They know what has cleared 
the forests and planted the fields of Pennsylvania; what has raised 
Pittsburgh on the banks of an interior western stream; and they want 
to hear no dissertations on the subject. They will go for American 
industry of all kinds. They are resolved that the farmer shall have a 
market for his grain. In Europe there is no such a thing as a market 
for the American farmer. Commerce, we are told, is an exchange of 
articles. It is so. But let the farmer of Pennsylvania send his flour 
to England, and attempt to sell it, and what will they give him for it? 
A process in the courts of admiralty, and .confiscation of cargo and 
vessel. This is a sort of exchange which the people of Pennsylvania 
do not entertain much regard for*. On the contrary, they go for an 
exchange, in which the farmer, and the manufacturer, and the mer- 
chant can go hand in hand, and the farmer can buy something with 
his grain, and when the merchant will take something besides cash, 
for his imported raw materials, metals, and dye stuffs. 

This is a system which the people of Pennsylvania want and will 
have. They /ee/ the want of it. It is not a thing that has been studied 
out of books. It is a matter of the senses. When they see grain 
rottinc in their barns, they know that it was not made for such a pur- 
pose; when they see a few straggling sheep running half wild over 
their pastures, they know that those pastures might be covered with 
flocks of the finest fleece, more precious than that of gold. When they 
see their bountiful rivers breaking in melancholy solitude over the 
rocks, they see that a mighty power is running to waste, which would 
enable the American citizen, if fairly protected, to enter into successful 
competition with the costly steam machinery, of Europe. Finally, 
when they look at those manufacturing establishments, which have 
grown up in the country; when they look at Steubenville, at Pitts- 
burgh, or at Patterson, and see the increase of population; the influx 
of wealth ; the rise in all the landed property, and the general improve- 
ment and prosperity, they see, at one glance, the great remedy for the 
wide spread evil. They see what it is, in the language of Thomas 
Jefferson to Mr. Austin, " to place the manufacturer by the farmer's 
side." What is plainer? The farmer feeds the manufacturer. The 
manufacturer furnishes the farmer with clothing and. the implements 
of husbandry; and both thrive. What do you do, when you crush 






American industry? You starve an American farmer, in order that you! 
may fatten an English mechanic. This is a policy which the peopka 
of Pennsylvania will not adopt. 

Nor will they adopt that other policy, which denies to the genera! 
government a right to open roads and canals, to remove obstructions 
m rivers, to construct breakwaters, and in short to afford the people 
of the country the means of transporting their produce along the coast 
with safety, or through the interior with despatch. They believe that 
Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, in opening the great western road, 
consulted the interests of the Union; and ihe people of Pennsylvania 
are well satisfied with understanding the constitution as well as Thomas 
Jefferson and James Madison did, when they signed the various laws 
for constructing the Cumberland road. They would also be very well 
satisfied with having a road opened from Washington to Buffalo, 
agreeably to the surveys made last year. They have no doubt it would 
double the value of every foot of land, within thirty miles, en each 
side of the road, from the north to the south line of Pennsylvania. 
They believe that a mail road of improved construction, to unite the 
two capitals of Maryland and Pennsylvania, is a matter of most urgent 
necessity. They believe Congress has power "to establish a post 
road," in that direction, and they hope this power will be executed. 
The people of Pennsylvania approve of the liberal appropriation which 
has been made by the general government, to aid in the corstruction 
of the Delaware and Chesapeake canal. They believe this noble work 
will enhance the value of produce in the markets of Pennsylvania, 
every year, to an amount beyond the whole expense of the work. The 
people of Pennsylvania would gladly see a similar work undertaken, 
on a proper footing, to unite the waters of the Delaware and the 
Rariton, and furnish a new route for the coal and iron of Pennsylvania 
to the markets of the northern states. They further look with intense 
interest to the construction of a breakwater at Cape TTenlopen. When 
the line of the canals through the interior of the state is opened, this 
breakwater will become of the most pressing importance to shelter 
the increasing navigation, by which the surplus of our inland produce 
will be carried. The people of Pennsylvania are finally looking, with 
anxious eyes, to the moment when the gates of the mountains shall be 
burst open. The present generation of her children, before they go 
down to the dust, wish to behold the cheerful sight of a canal boat 
passing the arduous summits of Laurel hill. They wish to see that 
great improvement realized, which will bind one half the Atlantic 
states into a great arterial system, of which Pittsburgh is the heart, 



4 

These are the things for which Pennsylvania goes. These are her 
politics; these are her principles. 

• And no\v, fellow citizens of Pennsylvania, look on two pictures 
presented before you. 

First, hear the present chief magistrate, in his first message to 
Congress. 

" Upon this first occasion of addressing the legislature of the Union, 
with which I have been honoured, in presenting to their view the 
execution, so far as it has been effected, of the measures sanctioned 
by them, for promoting the internal improvement of our 
country, I cannot close the communication without recommending 
to their calm and persevering consideration, the general principle 
in a more enlarged extent. The great object of the institution 
of civil government is the improvement of the condition of those who 
are parties to the social compact. And no government, in whatever 
form constituted, can accomplish the lawful end of its institution, but 
in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is 
established. Roads and canals, by multiplying and facilitating the 
communications and intercourse between distant regions and multi- 
tudes of men, are among the most important means of improve- 
ment." 

Such was the language*, and such are the known sentiments, of the 
present chief magistrate, and the avowal of these sentiments was 
heard with pleasure, by every true son of Pennsylvania. Her citizens 
had eight years before regretted to find the then president "entertain- 
ing scruples on this point. At length they beheld a chief magistrate 
in the chair, who viewed the constitution in another light, and who 
believed that when the people of the United States gave up, to the 
general government, the control over almost all the sources of revenue, 
it became the duty of the general government to send back the surplus, 
in fertilizing streams, throughout the country. The people of Penn- 
sylvania saw, with not less delight, that the president had chosen for 
his secretary of state, and the head of his administration, the great 
and beloved champion of the American system, the pride of his 
country, Henry Clay. They had heard his eloquent voice too often 
to be ever forgotten, as he had pleaded the cause of internal improve- 
ment and domestic industry. They remembered particularly his 
mighty elforts in 1824: when he said, " our agricultural is our great 
interest. It ought ever to be predominant. All others should bend 
to it. And in considering what is for its advantage, we should con- 
template it in all its varieties, of planting, farming, and grazing. Can 



5 

we do nothing to invigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the 
past, and to brighten the still more unpromising prospects which lie 
before us? We have seen, I think, the causes of the distresses of the 
country. We have seen, that an exclusive dependence upon the 
foreign market must lead to still severer distress, to impoverishment, 
to ruin ! We must then change somewhat our course. We must give 
a new direction to some portion of our industry. We must speedily 
adopt a genuine American policy. Still cherishing the foreign market 
let us create also a home market, to give further scope to the con- 
sumption of the produce of American industry. Let us counteract 
the policy of foreigners, and withdraw the support which we now give 
to their industry, and stimulate that of our own country." 

It was with the deepest feeling of satisfaction, that the people of 
Pennsylvania beheld the final triumph of their favourite principles, in 
the executive government of the United States. They had not, it is 
true, contributed to place the chief magistrate in the chair. They 
were misinformed of his sentiments; they supposed that he shared in 
those commercial prejudices formerly prevalent in the eastern states, 
and they had felt desirous to pay a tribute of gratitude to the hero of 
New Orleans. But the people of Pennsylvania reverence the con- 
stitution of the United States. They saw that the president was 
elected according to its provisions ; and in like manner as Thomas 
Jefferson had been elected. They beheld him calling to his cabinet 
council, Richard Rush, the firm champion of Pennsylvania principles, 
and the patriotic son of the Pennsylvania soil; at the head of his ad- 
ministration, they saw the man who was hailed with grateful joy at 
every glass house, mill seat, and manufactury, in the country, and in 
his own message to congress, they heard those sentiments avowed, to 
which the people of Pennsylvania had ever strongly adhered. 

With this they were satisfied. They were more than satisfied, they 
were cheered and elevated with hope and confidence. A most animated 
futurity opened before them. The people of Pennsylvania beheld in 
prospect a line of toll gates established on the Cumberland road^ to 
preserve that noble avenue; an adequate highway for water commu- 
nication between Baltimore and Philadelphia. They saw the purse 
strings of the nation untied to unite the waters of the Chesapeake and 
Delaware. They beheld a solid breakwater stretching out its broad 
substantial arms, to protect the navigation of their rivers and shores; 
and the last great triumph of- improvement, which is to bid the Alle- 
ghanies stoop their proud heads to the art of man, began to open upon 
them in no distant vision. They beheld with calm and patriotic satis- 



faction the union of the north, the east, the middle, and the western 
states, in support of these great national interests. No more bills for 
improvement were to be returned by the president; for the president 
at last stood on Pennsylvania principles. No more measures for 
encouraging domestic industry, ever to be obstructed by the united 
opposition of the south and east, for the eastern states had already 
found out, that nature had designed them for a manufacturing people. 
What then is the disappointment, what the chagrin of the people of 
Pennsylvania, at finding an opposition to the administration organizing 
itself, on the very ground, that the administration is friendly to these 
great interests. It is avowed and confessed, that Mr. Adams was in 
1824 the second choice of Virginia; that she preferred him to Gene- 
ral Jackson; and his message to the nineteenth congress, in which 
he supports the American system, is declared to be the ground on 
which Virginia will now oppose him. All the great objects, which 
Pennsylvania has at heart, are resisted by the whole force of the "com- 
bination" of the south and south west, aided, we are grieved to say, by 
some of her own sons. Almost every measure of public utility, which 
was proposed at the first session of the nineteenth congress, was de- 
feated by a factious opposition to the Panama mission ; factious we 
call it, because the opposition in the senate has since publicly asserted, 
that " if the executive had refused to institute the mission, the opposi- 
tion would have attacked them for not instituting it." When at length, 
at the late session, a bill was brought forward, for the protection of 
the woollen manufactures of the country, a bill which would have cloth- 
ed with plenty the hill sides of Pennsylvania, and built a factory at 
every waterfall within her borders, it was not only resisted by the 
whole force of the opposition in the house, including some of the 
Pennsylvania members, but was actually lost in the senate, by the 
casting vote of Mr. Calhoun. But the people of Pennsylvania have 
not been left to gather by inference, the principles on which the op- 
position to this administration is organized. They have had it fur- 
nished to them in black and white, in characters which her citizens 
will show that they understand. Virginia takes the lead in the organ- 
ization of this opposition, and her sister states look to her to furnish 
the terms and condition of the warfare. She has done it. Her present 
chief magistrate, Mr. Giles, late a member of her assembly, is thedrafts- 
man. His resolutions were adopted by vast majorities, and furnish 
tire basis, on which the opposition to the administration proceeds. 
Fellow citizens, we lay them before you, it is fit that you read and 
ponder them. Men who misrepresent you, say that you are engaged 



also in this opposition. Read its charter, its act of incorporation, and 
teach those who mistake and those who misrepresent your principles, 
to know you better — Here they are : 

FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF THE OPPOSITION TO THE ADMI- 
NISTRATION. 

" Resolved, that this general assembly, in behalf of the people and 
the government of this state does hereby most solemnly protest against 
the claim or exercise of any power whatever, on the part of the gene- 
ral government, to make internal improvements within the limits of the 
states, and particularly within the limits of the state of Virginia, and 
also against the claim or exercise of any power whatever, asserting 
or involving a jurisdiction over any part of the territory, within the 
limits of this state, except over the objects and in the mode specified 
in the constitution of the United States. 

Resolved, in like manner, that this legislature does hereby most 
solemnly protest against any claim or exercise of power whatever on 
the part of the general government, which serves to draw money from 
the inhabitants of the United States, and to disburse it, for any object 
whatever, except for carrying into effect the grants of power to the 
general government contained in the constitution of the United States. 

Resolved, in like manner, that this general assembly does most 
solemnly protest against the claim or exercise of any power whatever, on 
the part of the general government, to protect domestic manufactures ; 
the protection of manufactures not being among the grants of power 
to that government, specified in the constitution of the United States; 
and also against the operation of the act of Congress, passed 22d of 
May, 1S24, entitled 'An Act to amend the several acts imposing du- 
ties on imports,' generally called the tariff law, which vary the distri- 
bution of the labour of the community, in such a manner as to transfer 
property from one portion of the union to another, and to take private 
property from the owner for the benefit of another person not render- 
ing public service, as unconstitutional, unwise, unjust, unequal and 
oppressive." 

Here, fellow citizens of Pennsylvania, you have the documentary 
form of the principles on which the opposition is organized. Such are 
the doctrines on which General Jackson is to supersede the present 
chief magistrate, and such the maxims on which he is to administer 
the government. There are to be no internal improvement?, within 
the jurisdiction of a state, with or without her consent; no money is 
to be appropriated by Congress, in aid of any internal improvemeiat, 
and the law passed in 1824, to protect American industry, being " un- 



8 

constitutional, unwise, unjust, unequal, ami oppressive," is to be forth- 
with repealed. 

Will you not pause, fellow citizens, in the prospect of this impending 
revolution, consider, it is not the question whether you will remove 
from office one set of men and bring in, another, who will promote 
your interests with equal fidelity? No. The question is, will you re- 
move the men who agree with you in principle; who harmonize with 
you in feeling; who will foster your agriculture, protect your manufac- 
tures, improve the navigation of your rivers, pierce your mountains 
with canals, unite your navigable waters, and shield your rivers from 
the tempest by moles and jettys : will you remove the men who are 
pledged to do all this, in order to bring in other men, who hold all 
internal improvement to be unlawful, and who deny that protection of 
manufactures, is a power granted to Congress, and maintain that the 
tariff is unconstitutional. 

It would be a different question, were it limited to the individual 
who is to fill the single office of the president. In that case you might, 
with less hazard,- again indulge your feelings, and call general Jackson 
to the presidency, in consequence of his having gained a signal victory 
over the British, a short time after peace had been concluded by John 
Quincy Adams, Albert Gallatin, Henry Clay, and James Bayard. 
But this is not the question. If the administration is prostrated, and 
the opposition succeed, not merely does the president retire from an 
office which he is filling to your satisfaction ; but the great champion 
of all your interests, Henry Clay, is driven from his place. Richard 
Rush, the incorruptible friend of the American system, is banished 
from the government, and men are introduced into their places hostile 
to every interest of Pennsylvania. Does gratitude to the hero of New 
Orleans ask this at your hands? Does it bid you put your rights, your 
interests, and principles into the hands of a Benton, a Randolph, a 
MacDuffie? Must you immolate to General Jackson's military fame, 
not merely the present administration, whose measures you approve, 
but the whole course of fostering your industry and improving your 
internal communications, in which you have a greater stake than any 
other portion of the Union? 

And what is to be your motive for this course? Is it a feeling of 
gratitude? Surely it is not a republican principle to sacrifice great 
views of policy and great public interests to feeling of any kind. Must 
Pennsylvania be blighted, because New Orleans was saved? Fellow 
Citizens, not a man in the Union feels, in his heart, a livelier sense of 
gratitude than 1 do, for General Jackson ; but 1 declare, on my honour 



9 

and conscience, that, if the manufacturing establishments throughout 
the country are to be torn up, by the repeal of the tariff of 1824, as 
"unconstitutional, unwise, unjust, unequal and oppressive:" if the 
march of the country is to be checked in the career of internal im- 
provement, and this is to be done to show our gratitude to General 
Jackson, the 8th of January, instead of being a triumphant, will be 
a mournful anniversary. The rage of the foe would have been tran- 
sient; the amount of suffering, frightful indeed, but limited to the spot 
and the time. But let a mistaken feeling of personal admiration, bring 
upon these United States the dissolution, which is wrapped up in the 
resolutions of the opposition, and you have blasted, not New Orleans, 
but this great and growing country; you have given up its now ex- 
panding resources, as a " booty," to a misguided party; and laid its 
" beauty" low at the feet of the spoiler. 

Nor is it merely on these two great and vital interests, that you 
must prepare yourselves for a most fearful revolution, should the 
" combination" formed against the administration, be allowed to 
prosper. Pennsylvania has ever felt and manifested a deep interest 
in the condition of that unhappy class of beings, in our country, who 
are held in perpetual bondage. She claims no right to interfere be- 
tween them and their masters. She respects the rights, the sensibili- 
ties, and even the jealousies of her sister states of the south. But 
she is alive to the evil of an increase in this country of the free blacks; 
and looks upon their removal, by a judicious system of colonization, 
as a most desirable object. She has witnessed, with great satisfaction, 
the efforts of Henry Clay, to promote this humane and important end; 
and she looks forward with anxiety to the time, when, in pursuance of 
the suggestions contained in his recent speech before the colonization 
society, the resources of the general government will be applied to the 
abatement of this painful and growing nuisance. With proportionate 
regret, Pennsylvania has seen that the efforts of the colonization 
society have been opposed, and denounced, met with alternate ridicule, 
and reproach, by the opposition to the general government. Should 
the men and principles now united in the combination against it, pre- 
vail, Pennsylvania would regard it as the death' blow to a humane 
policy, which she has deeply at heart. 

With equal concern she has viewed the course pursued by the 
opposition, in reference to the disputes between Georgia and the 
United States. When, at the close of the first session of the nineteenth 
Congress, the Georgia members stood alone, in opposing the wise and 
temperate measures which had been adopted by the administration, 



10 

Pennsylvania hailed it as a pledge, that the state of public sentiment 
was still sound, and that opposition was not to be indiscriminately 
directed against any and every measure, that might be proposed. It 
was therefore with pain and sorrow, that at the last session of Con- 
gress, she beheld the opposition to the general government, moving 
in a body on the Georgia question, and thereby giving an implied 
sanction, to the violent and passionate course pursued by the governor 
of that state. The citizens of Pennsylvania would have been better 
pleased to have witnessed a continuance of the good feeling exhibited 
at the former session; and to have seen all parties persevere in up- 
holding the course of the executive, in his endeavours to procure the 
lands of the Creek Indians, by peaceable negotiation and purchase; 
rather than by a war of extermination. 

The people of Pennsylvania are furthermore satisfied with the good 
faith and ability, with which our foreign relations have been conducted 
by a secretary of state, (the present chief magistrate,) whom the 
people of Pennsylvania have been taught by General Jackson to con- 
sider, as "the very best that could have been selected." Since that 
time they have been in the hands of Henry Clay, who, before the 
present opposition warj organized, did not need a witness to his talent 
and worth, with the people of America. Pennsylvania does not infer 
from the fact, that Great Britain will not agree to our terms, that those 
terms are unreasonable. She is satisfied with the manner in which 
the negotiation has been pursued by Albert Gallatin. She will not 
permit the reputation of one after another, of our most meritorious 
citizens, to be sacrificed to this unspafring opposition. And if it be 
nei that America sh >uld be shut out from the West Indies, till 

she is ready to supplicate an admission, " as a boon at his majesty's 
hands," Pennsylvania is willing that the exclusion should be perpetual. 
One of the articles, at least, imported from them, she is abundantly 
able to furnish from her own distilleries, in a quantity adequate to the 
consumption of the whole United States. 

In a word Pennsylvania cannot harmonise with this opposition, she 
has acharacterof her own to support. In the words of her excellent chief 
magistrate, governor Schulze, " Pennsylvania will not lend herself, to 
advance measures or persons of doubtful claims to public confidence." 
A large portion of her citizens are, by profession and education, the 
friend* ofmttd, and p councils. They behold with alarm, the 

violence and menace with which the proceedings of the opposition are 
marked. They are filled with apprehension, when they consider the 
language used by the governor of Georgia, and when they behold legal 



II 

voters driven with blasphemy? and outrage, from the polls. Another 
large portion of the population of Pennsylvania, are the deeendants of 
men, who fled from the military oppression of the German principa- 
lities; they tied to America, that they might enjoy a government of laws. 
They have taught their children, that the camp is not the school of 
preparation for government, and they have yet to learn, that it is an 
objection to a president of the United States, that he " cannot look on 
the effusion of blood with calmness." The German citizens of Penn- 
sylvania, approve a government of principles, rather than of men, and 
they will continue to uphold the doctrir.es of the administration; the 
doctrines of Schulzc, of Snyder, and of Muklenberg, against all the 
arts or the violence of opposition ; above ail, they will claim the right 
to think and act for themselves, uncontrolled by dictation, whether of 
a diet of Pals-grave on the Rhine, or of caucus leaders atllarrisburgh. 
Fellow citizens of Pennsylvania, an alternative is offered to you, 
either to continue a liberal support to the present administration, and 
with them, to promote your own favourite policy, measures, and princi- 
ples, or to embark in an opposition, which, through a source not less 
responsible than a senator of the United States, has " sicorn to put 
down the, administration, although if should be as pure as the angels that 
stand at the ri^kt hand of the throne of God.'''' It becomes every friend 
of his counUy? to consider, what is to be the effect of such a principle 
of opposition. In the present state of the country, and now that the 
generation of those who achieved the revolution has parsed, it must 
be expected that there will be very considerable divisions of the pub- 
lic mind, and that numerous candidates will be started, at each presi- 
dential election. Success can await but on one, if the votes have been 
considerably scattered, by the electoral colleges, the final designation 
will devolve, on the house of representatives. In less than forty years, 
this has twice taken place; the multiplication of states, and the growth 
of several of them in importance will be likely often to lead to a divis- 
sionof the electoral suffrages, and to an eventual election by the house. 
Consider, fellow citizens, what a futurity awaits our country, if every 
such election is to be made the signal of a " combination" among the 
friends of the unsuccessful candidates, to put down the administration, 
" whether its acts be wise or unwise, right or wrong." Contemplate 
the unbecoming spectacle, which has already been exhibited, of our 
councils, in the eyes of the world : call to mind the interminable de- 
bates against the mission to Panama, all followed up with an open 
avowal, on the part of the opposition, " that if the executive had re- 
fused to institute the mission, the opposition stood prepared to oppose 
them on that ground." Review the cause of the opposition, in refer- 



ence to the colonial trade, see the British argument taken up ana es- 
poused bv American citizens, and British newspapers continually quo- 
ted by the opposition papers in this country, as infallible authority in 
a controversy between the two governments. But above all, con- 
template the imminent danger, in winch your dearest ^interests are 
nlaced The arm of protection which was raised tor the salvation ol 
your woollen factories, has been struck down. Those measure,, 
which the friends of the administration brought forward, to encourage 
the multiplication of your flocks, and to give you a market for your 
wool have been defeated, and instead of the happy appearance winch 
your pastures might already have begun to present, they are still con- 
demned to waste and brambles : and this is but the beginning of evils. 
This opposition is such an one, as our government never saw ; orga- 
nized under a leader, who knows no half way measures ; bound by an 
oath to disregard all principle, and regulated by a written code of po- 
litical revolution of the most terrific character. Not only are no fur- 
ther laws to protect your manufactures to be passed, but that of 1S24 
is « unconstitutional," and is of course to bo repealed. Nay it is not 
even now binding ; and the opposition proclaims to the agents of the 
British manufactures, that they may flood the country with goods and 
that the law which lays a duty on them is unconstitutional, and that 
they cannot be compelled to pay it. Having thus destroyed your 
industry, crushed your manufactures, and consequently ruined your 
agriculture, it is of no great consequence, it must be owned, that the 
opposition go a step further, and put a stop to the progress of roads and 
canals, and have our rivers obstructed, and our roadsteads unprotec- 
ted We shall manufacture nothing, and there will be nobody to take 
our surplus produce, consequently it will be no great additional evil, 
that we are deprived of that system of improved communications, 
which, under other circumstances, would have added so much to our 

prosperity and wealth. 

In the ultimate effect of the policy, now urged upon the country, bv 
thatoppositionwhichhasbeenorgani Z ed,Pennsylvaniawillrevertalmost 

to a state of nature. Her children will be tempted to the west, in the 
vain hope of escaping the all pervading poison of the system. IW 
permitted to manufacture; without a market for agricultural produce ; 
dispirited by a policy, hostile to her interests and feelings; ruled by a 
combination, in which Pennsylvania cannot even by possibility confide, 
the state will present a most pitiable spectacle, and sink into an hum- 
ble place in the train of those active, subtle, and misguided men, who 
are meditating all tins evil to our country and its »*^j^j 



89 



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